Zeynep OZGEN
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Publications 
 

Peer-Reviewed Publications 
(2015) Maintaining ethnic boundaries in “non-ethnic” contexts: constructivist theory and the sexual reproduction of diversity, Theory and Society 44(1):33-64.  
How can ethnic boundaries survive in contexts of legal racial equality and institutionalized ethnic mixing? Constructivist theories of ethnicity have long empha- sized the fluidity, rather than the durability, of ethnic boundaries. But the fact that ethnic boundaries often endure--and even thrive--in putatively non-ethnic political contexts suggests the need for sustained attention to the problem of boundary persistence. Based on an ethnographic study of ethnic boundaries in the Turkish case, this article argues that the regulation of the domain of sexuality and marriage can play a critical role in reproducing boundaries when political institutions neither acknowledge nor aid in the survival of ethnic diversity. Ultimately, the data provide substantial evidence that the transmission and internalization of informal rules of inter-ethnic sexual conduct are central to boundary maintenance.

 
Under Review
Mobilizing under stress: Islamist collective action in Turkey. Revise and Resubmit at Mobilization: An International Journal
A central problem in social movement research is to explain how movements maintain collective action in inhospitable contexts. Studies on the action-reaction nexus privilege the effect of repression on rates of public protests – or visible manifestations of dissent – sidelining how activists develop long-term organizational responses. This article uses the experience of Islamists in the post-1997 military coup period in Turkey to investigate how social movements survive and expand mobilization under hostile conditions. Drawing from eighteen months of fieldwork in formal and informal networks of religious training and socialization, I demonstrate that public displays of dissent such as sit-ins and protests constituted only a small portion of Islamist resistance. In order to sustain mobilization, Islamists combined their desire for immediate success in the political arena with a gradual cultural program of creating sympathizers and activists. This required them to redirect activism by adopting quiet, private, and nonconfrontational forms of mobilization. I conclude by underlining the contributions for studies of repression and dissent in semi-authoritarian contexts.


Other Publications
(2013) From religious schooling to mobilization in a secular state. Perspectives on Europe 43 (1): 145-149

This paper examines the role of religious education sites in reaching and recruiting new members for Islamist movements in Turkey. Following the 1980 military coup, the Turkish state integrated religion into the public education system to buttress its political legitimacy and counteract religious ‘extremism’ galvanized by the Iranian Revolution. However, state efforts at ‘domesticating’ Islam through public education generated contestation from religious actors. On the one hand, it inspired Islamic actors to build their own educational organizations to provide a different message than the one offered by the state. These parallel, and mostly informal, organizations served not only to transmit ‘traditional’ Islamic knowledge, but also to pursue broader social goals. On the other hand, they inadvertently led to the fragmentation and pluralization of centers of religious learning, and the competition between state and non- state actors over the structure and purpose of Islamic education. Eventually, these educational organizations became strategic sites of social mobilization for Islamist movements.

 
Book Review
“Islam’s Marriage with Neoliberalism: State Transformation in Turkey.” (by Yıldız Atasoy) New Perspectives on Turkey 46(2): 250-53.

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